From a "Useful Syria" to an "Inclusive Syria": Revolution and Civil Society in the Reshaping of Identity
- Sarah Al Saeid
- Mar 18
- 10 min read
There has been growing discussion about the failure of the ‘Syrian experiment’, as though this judgment has become a foregone conclusion before the experiment has even begun. As the common Levantine expression goes: "They’ve only been in the palace since yesterday afternoon."
Most of the discourse surrounding Syria today is limited to a geopolitical perspective, reducing the conflict to a mere game between international and regional powers. This narrow view overlooks the internal complexities and disregards the pivotal role that the Syrian people have played in shifting the balance of this equation.
What took place in Syria was not just a confrontation between global powers; it was a monumental human tragedy with profound social and political dimensions. According to 2024 United Nations reports, at least 7.4 million Syrians remain internally displaced. Additionally, around 4.9 million have sought refuge in neighboring countries such as Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan, and Iraq. Another 1.3 million have been resettled elsewhere, primarily in Europe.
And yet, across its many communities, the Syrian diaspora had made one thing clear: they would not return as long as Assad remained in power. This refusal wasn’t just about legal or political barriers, arrest warrants, past activism, or fears of persecution–it ran deeper.
For many, Syria under Assad was no longer their country; it no longer represented them. The most harrowing cases are those of individuals who returned, despite having no charges against them, only to vanish after being arrested or forcibly disappeared by the regime. In this defiance, refusal itself had become an act of resistance, a silent yet powerful stand against the wave of political normalization that Arab and Western governments have increasingly pursued in recent years.
Change in Syria has not been driven solely by grand political movements or military powers. It has emerged from the quiet, daily acts of resistance carried out by Syrians, both within the country and in exile. Each small action, whether it's graffiti on an abandoned wall or organizing protests in distant lands, has chipped away at the regime’s strength and shaken its foundations. This 'microscopic' resistance, often invisible to the world, has not only challenged the notion of normalization with Assad but has also deepened the transformation of Syrian collective consciousness since the revolution’s inception. It has sparked a renewed sense of responsibility and a profound connection to a homeland that exists beyond the regime’s grasp.
I am not here to present the Syrian experience as an entirely exceptional case, but like all experiences, it carries unique qualities that set it apart. Syria is not Egypt, Libya, or Tunisia. The differences are vast, the most notable being that the regimes in those countries collapsed within relatively short periods, while the Syrian revolution has endured for over a decade, growing increasingly complex and prolonged with each passing year.
Today, as the regime collapses, we stand at a crossroads, where questions of identity, statehood, and the future intertwine. The Syrian experience has not ended; it has only just begun.
Syrian Identity: Between Destruction and Reconstruction
One of the most significant historical interpretations of Arab identity is that Arab societies, including Syria, have not fully matured politically or in terms of identity due to their rapid transitions from one authoritarian regime to another. Syria has experienced successive phases: from the French Mandate following Ottoman rule, to the Ba'ath era, the brief period of Arab unity, and the return to Ba'athist dominance under both Hafez and Bashar al-Assad. These phases failed to foster a national identity; instead, they produced continuous ruptures on political, social, and cultural levels.
The clearest manifestation of this fragmentation was the Ba'ath identity under the Assad regime, which operated on the principle of 'benefit or death.' Syrian identity under Assad was not a true national identity; it was a pragmatic, utilitarian identity tied solely to the value an individual or group could provide to the regime. This approach was illustrated in the terms used by Bashar al-Assad, such as the 'useful Syria' versus the 'useless Syria’, terms he coined in 2016 while defending regions deemed strategically vital to the regime.
‘Useful Syria' comprised six provinces: Damascus, Rural Damascus, Homs, Hama, Latakia, and Tartus. These areas were prioritized by the regime as the core of its political and military control. On the other hand, 'useless Syria' referred to the regions in the north and east that fell outside of its control, which were seen as burdens to be abandoned or completely destroyed. This policy went beyond military strategy and reflected a calculated and exclusionary logic based on utility. Those who did not serve the regime, whether as individuals or groups, were marginalized, erased, or eliminated.
This approach reinforced the regime's treatment of the Syrian people as mere instruments, reducing Syrian identity under Assad to a hollow tool, solely tied to the survival of those in power. A Syrian citizen was not seen as part of a national vision but as a cog in a system that served the regime’s interests. If an individual proved their usefulness through loyalty or direct service, they were allowed to remain. Those who strayed from this equation, however, faced marginalization, imprisonment, or even death. This policy not only eroded the Syrian identity but fundamentally transformed it into a meaningless tool, valued only for its contribution to the perpetuation of the regime.
Assad’s strategy did more than create a chasm between the regime and the people; it deepened the existential crisis surrounding Syrian identity on a much broader scale. While the regime divided Syria into 'useful' and 'useless' territories, Syrians themselves began to redefine the very concept of homeland, casting off the shackles of authoritarian control. The revolution, despite its profound suffering and monumental obstacles, sparked a reimagining of Syria as a collective identity that transcended the rigid, divisive boundaries of 'useful Syria’.
How Revolutionary Songs Became Part of Syrian Identity
Despite the repression that once defined regime-controlled areas, a striking phenomenon has emerged. The slogans, chants, and revolutionary songs that accompanied the revolution for fourteen years have become deeply embedded in the collective consciousness of the Syrian people, especially in regions that were once under regime control.
At a time when even a subtle reference to 'the green color' was deemed an unforgivable crime, these slogans and songs resonated in Syrians' hearts. They became etched into their memories long before they materialized as tangible realities. For a brutal regime, this was far more agonizing than any physical threat, as it could not be contained. Today, we see the masses in former regime-controlled areas recalling these slogans and songs from start to finish. This phenomenon is not merely a nostalgic recall. It is a profound indication that the revolution has transcended a political movement or uprising. It has triumphed by having woven itself into the very fabric of a new Syrian identity.
Beyond this, it has also redefined the notion of Syria as a unified homeland, transcending the regional divides that the regime had long sought to entrench. This was eloquently captured in the sentiment of revolutionary chants, which carried reciprocal calls of solidarity and shared struggle between different cities. They signified deep popular awareness of Syria as a unified entity, and one that defied the notion of a 'useful’ or ‘useless’ Syria which the regime had sought to institutionalize.
From Daraa, where the first spark was ignited, to Homs, which faced brutal repression, to Aleppo, Damascus, and others. The cities called out to one another, as if issuing a direct invitation for them to reunite under the banner of freedom.
Even Idlib, once marginalized by the regime for decades and derided as the "forgotten" province due to political, economic, and social neglect, has undergone a remarkable transformation. It has evolved into a powerful symbol of national unity, proudly known as "the motherland of the revolution." Idlib opened its doors to the displaced and exiled from every corner of Syria, offering refuge under the harshest conditions. It became a resolute stronghold of revolutionary struggle.
This region is now emblematic of the revolution’s enduring spirit and resistance. In Idlib, Syria was represented in miniature, liberated from the regime’s oppressive grasp and from Assad’s vision of the nation.
This collective consciousness was the foundation for reimagining the nation’s future once the regime fell. What sets this awareness apart from other Arab Spring revolutions is the profound cultural and social impact left by Syria’s struggle. It is not merely a series of political events; it is a continuous process of constructing a new collective memory. A memory that embodies Syria’s suffering and its relentless quest for freedom, one that redefines its present and reshapes its future, shedding the painful symbols of the past. Gone are the military uniforms that once saturated Syrian media, the constant references to intelligence agencies, and the images of children indoctrinated in Ba'ath Pioneer camps.
What makes Syria’s experience unique is that it represents the first real attempt to build a national identity that moves beyond the legacy of colonialism and the distortions left in its wake. As awareness grows, especially in light of Syria’s own suffering, as well as the ongoing genocide in Gaza under Israeli occupation, supported by Europe and the US, the role of Arab communities in challenging Western influence and rebuilding regional unity becomes clearer. This is not just a Syrian issue. It reflects a broader regional dynamic shaped by both local and global forces. Given Syria’s long history under tyranny and the shifting regional and international landscape, its experience has become a pivotal moment with lasting implications for the entire Middle East.
What I’m addressing here is not the impact on the structure of the Syrian state itself, as external powers are still working to hinder the process of transition and the establishment of a stable state. Rather, I am focusing on Syrian national identity, which, although shaped by its surrounding conditions, has evolved in a unique way. This identity is built on a deep collective bond forged through shared suffering, far removed from traditional political dynamics.
In this context, Syrian civil society, especially its youth, is charting a new course that reflects this growing awareness. Unlike other Arab revolutions, the Syrian experience has led to an unprecedented diaspora, highlighting the unique geopolitical challenges Syria has faced compared to other countries in the Arab Spring. The social fabric and popular consciousness in Syria were distinct, making comparisons with other revolutions in the region both inaccurate and unfair.
Syrian Civil Society Before the Revolution
Before the establishment of the "Syrian Commission for Development," there were no independent civil society organizations in Syria. The public sphere was entirely under the control of the state, with the Ba'ath Party monopolizing all social and charitable activities, and no organizations were allowed to operate freely without state oversight. With the rise of Bashar al-Assad and his wife Asma al-Assad to power, slight changes began to emerge in the social sphere, such as the expansion of the Red Crescent's activities and making the Scouts accessible to broader segments of society. However, these activities remained under strict surveillance within the framework of what was known as the "directed openness," which allowed for a limited space of civil work, without relinquishing the regime's grip on civil society.
The Associations Law, passed in 1958, was the legal framework regulating the work of non-governmental organizations, but it made registering independent associations nearly impossible. Despite limited attempts to breach this framework during Assad's rule, the regime remained wary of any independent civil activity. As a result, most initiatives were met with repression, including widespread arrests and the banning of activities by independent organizations. This ongoing repression left a society suffocated with no natural outlet for individuals to release their energies or participate in driving change, redirecting social activities and youth energies into channels fully controlled by the regime. Civil spaces were merely tools for the state, deepening societal dependence on the regime and weakening any attempts to build an independent or dynamic civil society.
Syrian Civil Society: Formation in the Diaspora
The Syrian revolution, followed by intense repression and mass displacement, gave rise to a distinct Syrian civil society within the diaspora. Syrian youth, who endured repression, migration, and exile, saw these hardships as an opportunity to create a new collective identity, grounded in shared suffering and a commitment to social justice.
This diaspora has fostered a range of renewed and diverse energies, from refugees who were displaced as children, carrying with them the pain of loss and separation, to those who took part in the protests, those who spent years in detention, and those who lost their families and loved ones.
These common experiences fueled a strong drive among Syrians in the diaspora to engage in civil, cultural, and academic initiatives across various fields.
The Syrian civil society in the diaspora emerged as an attractive phenomenon, combining the preservation of cultural identity with the effort to establish spaces for collective work in new environments. This formation allowed Syrians to overcome the constraints previously imposed by the fallen regime, as civil society networks in the diaspora contributed to reshaping Syrian national identity on more inclusive and flexible foundations. One of the main features of this new identity is the idea of a "unifying Syria," which transcends national, sectarian, or regional affiliations, making it an exceptional case within the context of other Arab experiences.
A notable example of the impact of the Syrian diaspora on reshaping host communities is the city of Gaziantep in southern Turkey. The large Syrian presence in this city led to a qualitative leap in its social, economic, and cultural structure. Gaziantep became a strategic hub for many Syrian and international organizations, due to its proximity to the Syrian border and the large number of Syrian refugees residing there.
From hosting regional conferences and organizing festivals to establishing educational and community institutions, the city became a vibrant space for cultural interaction and intellectual exchange. Ultimately this helped strengthen the formation of a new Syrian identity that interacts smoothly with its surroundings while preserving its deep-rooted origins.
An Ongoing Project to Reshape Syrian Identity
The Syrian experience cannot simply be equated with other Arab Spring revolts. It is a singular journey, shaped by its own set of complexities and hardships borne from years of struggle. What Syria requires today is not just liberation from the remnants of the previous regime but a reimagining of the idea of "I am the state," as an evolving process. Syrian identity is fluid; it is an ongoing project that evolves in response to shifting conditions and challenges.
To reduce the Syrian experience to a tale of external interventions or to superficially compare it with political transitions in other Arab countries, such as the mere replacement of one dictatorial regime with another, ignores the intricate dynamics that define Syria's situation. These dynamics include the grassroots movements, the social changes within the country, and the vital role the diaspora has played in reshaping both identity and statehood.
Overlooking these elements diminishes the profound nature of Syria's revolution and the efforts of Syrians, both within the country and abroad, to challenge the regime. I believe the movement of Syrian youth, the civil initiatives both inside and outside Syria, and the vibrant activity on social media mark the beginning of a new phase. This resurgence is actively shaping a Syrian identity that is unified, liberated, and empowering. It stands ready to confront future challenges with a renewed sense of solidarity that transcends the formal and informal boundaries of the state.
Image Credit: Abdalla Omari
